CPRF rally in Moscow, 2011. Photo by Wikimedia

When they came for the Communist Party: Arrests, sieges, and pressure on supporters after the State Duma elections

Author: Alexandr Litoi, for OVD-Info

 

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) received 19% of the votes in the last elections to the State Duma. After that, the party's supporters faced unprecedented pressure for the 'systemic opposition.' They were detained, fined, sentenced to administrative arrests, and blocked in the party premises. CPRF continues to challenge the election results and demand an investigation by the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

The miracle of the last percent

Since the collapse of the USSR, the heiress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union has consistently ranked second in parliamentary and presidential elections. In the September elections to the State Duma, the CPRF turned out to be one of the most promising parties to enter the Parliament. It secured the status of the so-called 'systemic opposition,' being largely loyal to the Kremlin. In the State Duma, the Communist Party often votes for most of the laws aimed at reducing democratic freedoms.

At the same time, the CPRF is willing to support the population in local protests with no direct political demands: the protest against the construction of a landfill at Shies station, Arkhangelsk region, and in the project for the renovation and construction of the South-East highway in Moscow.

The communists also opposed the pension reform of 2018, having organized a large rally in Moscow. Valery Rashkin, the leader of the Moscow branch of the Communist Party, is widely known for supporting protest initiatives in the capital and legalizing many protest actions in Moscow through 'meetings with MPs,' which have been banned since the beginning of the pandemic.

The regional deputy of the Communist Party and Saratov resident, Nikolai Bondarenko, has more than 1.5 million subscribers on his YouTube channel. One of the most successful campaigns of opposition candidates in these elections was conducted by the head of the independent trade union, representing Moscow state university employees, Mikhail Lobanov, who also ran for the Communist Party. The personal popularity of politicians from the Communist Party, as well as recommendations via the protest Smart Voting1, contributed to the success of the communists in these elections.

In most of the Moscow constituencies, candidates from the Communist Party were winning by a significant margin. After counting 99% of the ballots, rivals from United Russia and candidates close to the Moscow mayor's office seemed to have lost.

However, the situation changed. The pro-government candidates won thanks to online voting, which, as an experiment, was conducted in several regions of Russia during these parliamentary elections. It is worth noting that the results of the online voting in Moscow were not published for a long time with no official explanation. Moreover, independent observers are less experienced in overseeing the transparency of vote counting and casting over the Internet than observing voting at the physical polling stations.

After the announcement of the results by the Central Election Commission, the Communist Party suddenly found its candidates losing in all Moscow constituencies. In total, the party won a little less than 19% of the votes and gained 57 seats in the State Duma. In the last convocation, the communists had gained 43 seats, having received 14% of the votes in the elections.

'In some regions, the Communist Party ranked first. There is a number of regions where the CPRF came second; however, it still had a great result (about 30% of votes). There were regions where the votes were so largely falsified that it's difficult to talk about the actual percentage gained by the party. If we do not take into account online voting, in Moscow alone, the Communist Party was first, having overcome United Russia by a small margin. In genuine elections [not taking into account the online voting results], the party got the shocking percentage for the Kremlin. The fact that the CPRF is still trying to insist on rendering these results official forces the government to take extraordinary measures', tells Ilya Budraitskis, board member of the Sakharov center, to OVD-Info. In these elections, Budraitskis took part in the campaign of the communist Mikhail Lobanov.

He believes that the new voters expect genuine opposition behavior from the Communist Party, whereas the party leadership wants to show that it will not accept the falsifications quietly.

'There are people inside the CPRF who want the party to be consistently oppositional. It is they who attract new voters. As a result, Zyuganov should ''shield'' these people, at least for the time being. The main thing that the Communist Party does not want is for the situation to look as if "Zyuganov has just let it go nowhere, again." On the one hand, the Communist Party depends on the Kremlin; on the other hand, the party's influence depends on the opposition-oriented people', Budraitskis said.

Inconvenient 'systemic opposition'

Cases of pressure on the Communist Party began even before the elections. For example, popular politician Pavel Grudinin was expunged from the party's candidate list. In Barnaul, people were detained for posting leaflets. In Kostroma, the police shut down a children's fest associated with the Communist Party. In Moscow, Asker Heydarov, a proxy of the State Duma deputy Valery Rashkin, was arrested for three days due to his disobeying the police. During the elections in Khabarovsk, Svetlana Izotova, a candidate for State Duma deputy from the Communist Party, was expelled from the polling station.

After the announcement of the election results, supporters of the Communist Party protested against falsifications in different Russian cities, among which: Magadan, Yekaterinburg, Vologda, Rostov-on-Don, Barnaul.

In Khabarovsk, the local leader of the Communist Party, Pyotr Perevezentsev, was detained for holding an 'open-air press conference.' In Belgorod, a member of the Communist Party, Andrei Borzykh, was handed a warning not to hold protests. Roskomnadzor2 threatened to block the website of the Communist Party due to the announcement of the all-Russian protest rally scheduled for September 25.

Yet, the main pressure on the supporters of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation unfolded in Moscow. In the capital, the party was refused permission to organize anti-election results protests (on September  20, 21, and 25). On September 20 and September 25, the Communist Party organized meetings with MPs on Pushkin Square in the city center. The party claims that more than a hundred of their supporters and party officers have been detained in late September and early October, and thus, during and on the eve of the protests.

'We were expecting counteractions during the counting of the votes, and this is what happened, in part. There was a CCTV shutdown, groundless and harsh removal of PEC [Precinct Election Commission] members and observers, denying access to problematic stations. Everything that followed was not so much unexpected as completely inadequate. No uncoordinated mass rallies were organized - those were meetings with members of Parliament. I consider the authorities' reaction to those legal meetings as something very neurotic and counterproductive', told to OVD-Info Elena Yanchuk, a Moscow city Duma deputy from the Communist Party, who was detained by the police for participation in meetings with State Duma deputies.

Thirty-two lawsuits have been filed against the results of online voting in Moscow, including 15 from the Communist Party and 15 from Communist Party candidates.

'We disagree with the falsified election results; we disagree with electronic voting, we'll continue to defend our point of view. They are trying to intimidate us. We see that in these elections, the authorities have abandoned all legal frameworks. Standard falsification schemes no longer work; electoral "sultanates"3 do not provide the desired result. Thus, the technology of online voting and voter bribery were used. [Payments of] 10 and 15 thousand [roubles] (approx. 120-180 Euro - REM), coercion of all state employees to vote under the surveillance of CCTVs from 10 to 12 AM on a Friday is nothing but political intimidation', Sergei Obukhov, Secretary of the Communist Party Central Committee and State Duma deputy told OVD-Info.

Sieges and detentions

Detentions affected not only party members. A publicist and a teacher at the Moscow school of social and economic sciences, Boris Kagarlitsky, was detained for ten days for calls to participate in meetings with MPs. The same was applied to Sergei Udaltsov, the leader of the 'Left front'.   Activist of the 'Left front' Leonid Bogomolov was sentenced to 20 days of arrest for calling to participate in the meeting with MPs.

'As I understand it, the order was given to shut down the protest to the extent possible; even peaceful, legal manifestations have already become a trigger. The reception of the vice-speaker [of the State Duma from the Communist Party, Ivan Melnikov] was blocked when the CPRF lawyers were preparing lawsuits following elections in Moscow', said Elena Yanchuk, a Moscow City Duma deputy from the Communist Party. 'A disproportionately harsh punishment (a 10-day arrest) was imposed on Magomed Bidzhev, the legal adviser of the Moscow City Committee of the Communist Party, who had not previously been brought to administrative responsibility and has small children. The reason for the punishment was a repost of the announcement about the meeting with a deputy'.

A municipal deputy from the Communist Party, Sergei Tsukasov, was arrested for ten days. He was detained while jogging in the morning.

Exceeding their powers (a special procedure has been developed for detaining parliamentarians), Moscow police demanded that Sergei Obukhov, a deputy of the last convocation to the State Duma, proceed to the subway police checkpoint.

'As far as I understand, the face recognition system [notified the police]. Obukhov turned out to be a terrible criminal. The police followed me through the subway carriages. Three persons were waiting for me at the Partizanskaya metro station. They took me to the police checkpoint, and I had to explain the basics... I called Zyuganov (Chair of the Communist Party, State Duma member - REM). Apparently, it worked, as well as the fact that I am an elected deputy of the State Duma. I was let go, but in the evening of the same day, police officers came to visit my daughter and asked where I was. This was a global special operation. We no longer have drug traffickers, hooligans, or street criminals. All police forces were thrown against the CPRF activists', Obukhov told OVD-Info.

Against the Communist Party members, law enforcement officers applied the same strategy that worked out against the supporters of Alexei Navalny earlier this spring: meetings with the MPs (September 20 and September 25) would see few arrests, whereas the detentions were mostly carried out afterward.

The leader of the Communist Party faction in the Moscow city Duma, Nikolai Zubrilin, was forcibly held in the Department of Internal Affairs, where he felt ill. Later he was fined by a court decision. Moscow City Duma deputy from the Communist Party, Yekaterina Engalycheva, was forced to remain in the Moscow city Duma building for several days, as she feared arrest. She was fined 250 thousand (approx. 3,000 Euro - REM) rubles for reposting information about the meeting with the MPs. The head of the protest section of the Moscow Communist Party, Pavel Ivanov, spent a week in the building of the city committee of the party. When he got out, the court fined him 30 thousand rubles (approx. 360 Euro - REM) under the article related to the organization of meetings.

In order to detain and obstruct organizing protest activities, Moscow police blocked the building of the Moscow city committee of the Communist Party. Also, the reception room of the Vice-Speaker of the State Duma from the Communist Party and even the Moscow city Duma were blocked.

On September 29, the Communist Party faction in the Moscow city Duma left the meeting of the Moscow parliament in protest against the arbitrariness of the law enforcement activity. The deputies demanded the release of all those who were detained and opposed the election falsification. In addition, they stated their disagreement with the results of the voting in Moscow. Deputy of the State Duma of the last convocation Sergei Obukhov told OVD-Info that the Communist Party plans to demand a report from the leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs at a meeting organized within the walls of the State Duma.

'No violations of the law, including Art. 20.2 of the Administrative Code (violation of the rules for holding public events) were made by us! All our events took place in the format of a meeting between the members of Parliament and the people. This is a legal form of work of the elected representatives of the people, and obstruction of it should be punished. We demand for the unbridled policemen to be stopped and for their actions to return to the framework of the law. At the very first meeting of the Russian Parliament, we will demand the creation of a special commission to investigate the persecution of candidates to the State Duma', stated the leader of the Communist Party, Gennady Zyuganov.

On October 4, Zyuganov addressed an open letter to Vladimir Putin. In the letter, the party leader complained about the detention of members of the Communist Party after the protest meetings and called such detentions groundless. Zyuganov asked the Russian president to take strict measures aimed at bringing to justice officials responsible for exceeding their powers.' He also criticized the three-day election format and the online voting.

References:

1 Smart Voting is a tactical voting strategy put forward by the team of Alexei Navalny in order to deprive the United Russia party of votes - REM

2 The Federal Service for Supervision of Communications, Information Technology and Mass Media or Roskomnadzor - REM

3 Several minority regions of the Northern Caucasus and Volga Region characterized by highly authoritarian regional political regimes, which tend to massively vote in favor of the ruling party – although independent electoral experts and the opposition claim rampant election fraud - REM

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Sergey Shpilkin analyzes data from 96,840 polling stations that cover 107.9 million registered voters out of 109.2 million on the list. His analysis demonstrates that at the polling stations where the results appear genuine, the turnout is on average 38% and the United Russia's share of votes is between 31% and 33%.

Voting. By Photobank Moscow-Live

This is a preliminary statement on findings of observation on the main voting day, September 19, 2021, by the 'Movement in Defense of Voters' Rights "Golos".' Golos ran long-term and short-term observation of all stages of the campaign. In the course of the elections, the united call center's hotline received 5,943 calls. The 'Map of Violations' received 4,973 reports of alleged violations by noon 20 September, Moscow time, including 3,787 on the voting days.

Voting. Image by Photobank Moscow-Live. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0
Voting. Image by Photobank Moscow-Live

This is a brief overview of election monitoring findings on the Second Voting Day, September 18, 2021 by citizen observers of the 'Movement in Defense of Voters' Rights "Golos"'.

Duma elections. by George Shuklin, CC BY-SA 2.5

This is a brief overview of election monitoring findings on the First Voting Day by citizen observers of the 'Movement in Defense of Voters' Rights "Golos"'.

Campaigning in Samara. 2011 elections. Image by Golos

The September 19, 2021 elections are marked by growing pressure on media and individual journalists, attempts at blocking information about "Smart Voting", and massive coercion of voters to vote and register for e-voting and mobile voting. In parallel, social media has been growing in importance for years as a space of more freedom and an alternative information channel. Here are the main findings of the report that focuses on the impact of these two antipodal trends.

Victor Vasnetsov. Three bogatyrs (Medieval Russian Heroes). Photo by flickr user paukrus

This report covers the monitoring of social networks from the 10th to the 11th week of the election campaign (August 23 to September 5) to the Russian State Duma, scheduled for September 19, 2021.

Russian passports. Image by MediaPhoto.Org, CC-BY-3.0

One aspect of the 2021 Russian parliamentary elections that differentiates them from previous federal elections is the potential participation in the voting process of dozens of thousands of people located on the Ukrainian territories outside of control of the Ukrainian authorities and not recognized as part of Russia by the Russian Federation itself.

Map of Violations Update Sept 6-12. Image by REM

This is the seventh overview of reports of possible violations of electoral legislation gathered via the 'Map of Violations' by the 'Movement in Defense of Voters' Rights "Golos"' between September 6 and September 12. Since the beginning of the election campaign, 945 messages from 72 regions have been published on the Map.

Poll worker displaying an empty ballot box before the opening of a polling station in Moscow, 18.03.2018. Photo OSCA PA, CC BY-SA 2.0

The de facto impossibility to participate in elections for parties that must register candidates via signature collection turns their existence into a mere formality. This creates a vicious circle in which the system reproduces itself by welcoming only actors that are already 'in' and effectively barring new political players from elections.

Map of Violations Update - Aug 30-Sept 1

This is the sixth overview of reports of possible violations of electoral legislation gathered via the 'Map of Violations' by the Movement in Defense of Voters' Rights 'Golos' between August 30 and September 5. In total, from August 30 to September 1, 125 messages have been received by the Map.

Social media. Image by Gerd Altmann on Pixabay

This report covers the monitoring of social networks from the 5th to the 9th week (July 20 - August 22) of the election campaign to the Russian State Duma, scheduled for September 19, 2021.

Vladimir Putin on XVII congress of United Russia in 2017. Image by Wikimedia Commons

Despite its dismal approval rating, Russian President Vladimir Putin's ruling political party can – and likely will – win a constitutional majority in September's legislative elections.

Map of Violations, Golos website. Screenshot - Sept. 1, 2021

This is the fifth overview of reports of possible violations of electoral legislation gathered via the 'Map of Violations' by the Movement in Defense of Voters' Rights 'Golos' between August 23 and August 29. In total, 100 messages have been received by the Map during this period.

2019 Rally for right to vote in Moscow. Image by Wikimedia Commons

The Moscow City Court has designated the Anti-Corruption Foundation, Alexey Navalny's Headquarters and the Citizens’ Rights Protection Foundation as 'extremist' organizations. Inter alia, it implies the prohibition to participate in elections.

The authorities have proceeded to banning pro-opposition candidates from running to the State Duma and other legislative bodies on a pretext of involvement in Navalny's projects.

State Duma elections in Sochi, Dec 4. 2011. Image by flickr/Andrew Amerikov

The elections of the State Duma of Russia of the eighth convocation are marked by considerable tightening of rules for candidate nomination and registration. In fact, the rules are much worse than in 2016, when the current membership of the parliament was elected. Run on the background of harsh restrictions on freedom of expression and information and freedom of assembly and association, the elections are accompanied by a political crackdown against the most active pro-opposition citizens.

Map of Violations, Golos website. Screenshot - Aug. 20, 2021

This is the fourth overview of reports of possible violations of electoral legislation gathered via the 'Map of Violations' by the Movement for the Defense of Voters' Rights 'Golos' between August 16 and August 22. In total, 98 messages have been received by the Map in that period.

Behind a camera. Photo by Bicanski on Pixnio

Equality of rights of candidates in media coverage of their election campaign is one of the most important conditions for holding free and democratic elections. For a significant part of Russians, television remains to be one of the main sources of information. During the election campaign, the influence of television in shaping the attitude of the majority of voters towards elections and candidates is often decisive. Here is a summary of monitoring findings for the five main federal television channels during the first eight weeks of the campaign.

Map of Violations, Golos website. Screenshot - Aug. 20, 2021

This is the third overview of reports of possible violations of electoral legislation gathered via the 'Map of Violations' by the Movement for the Defense of Voters' Rights 'Golos' between August 9 and August 15. Since the beginning of the election campaign, 452 messages from 62 regions have been published on the Map.

 

Screenshot of Golos' statement cover image

On August 18, the Ministry of Justice of Russia included the Movement 'Golos' as the first unregistered organisation into the registry of unregistered public associations performing the functions of a foreign agent. Here is the translation of their statement.

Russian regional elections in 2018. Image by Wikimedia Commons

According to the CEC data as of 9 July 2021, 4,370 elections and referenda are scheduled for 19 September 2021, including elections to the State Duma, nine gubernatorial elections (new heads will be elected in three more regions), 39 elections to regional parliaments, and 11 elections of representative bodies of regional centres. Here's an overview of legal regulations and peculiarities of these races.

Participants of Just Russia rally take off their uniforms 5 minutes after the start of the Yekaterinburg rally on May 1, 2019. Image by Wikimedia Commons

PART 4: JUST RUSSIA-PATRIOTS-FOR TRUTH

According to sociologists, the same four parties represented in the parliament now: United Russia, the Communist Party of Russian Federation (CPRF), the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR), and Just Russia will probably be elected again in 2021. How are these four parties organized? What is their support base in regions?

A screenshot of a live broadcast of the voting process. Image by 'Golos' Movement.

In 2021, the Russian Central Election Commission decided to scrap open video broadcasts from the polling stations – a feature of Russian elections since 2012. The Movement in Defense of Voters' Rights 'Golos' has appealed to the President to help overturn this decision.

Map of Violations, Golos website. Screenshot - Aug. 12, 2021

This is the second overview of reports of possible violations of electoral legislation gathered via the 'Map of Violations' by the Movement for the Defense of Voters' Rights 'Golos' between August 2 and August 8.

May 1st, 2009. LDPR Rally. Photo by Photobank Moscow-Live / flickr

PART 3: LDPR

According to sociologists, the same four parties represented in the parliament now: United Russia, the Communist Party of Russian Federation (CPRF), the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR), and Just Russia will probably be elected again in 2021. How are these four parties organized? What is their support base in regions?

The Rt. Hon. Sir Alan Duncan represented the UK at the 23rd OSCE Ministerial Council in Hamburg, Germany, 8-9 December 2016.
OSCE Flags. Photo by Alex Hammond / FCO. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0
#Commentary

The OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights and the Parliamentary Assembly will not deploy international election observation missions to the 2021 State Duma elections due to major limitations imposed on the institutions. Announcing the decision, ODIHR Director noted that the ability "to independently determine the number of observers necessary for us to observe effectively and credibly is essential to all international observation."

Reporter's notebook. Photo by 2008 Roger H. Goun. CC BY 3.0
#Commentary

On 28 July 2021, the Central Election Commission adopted a new media accreditation procedure that restricts media access to observe and report on the electoral process. The new rules violate the freedom of media editorial policy and may significantly reduce the transparency of the election process.

Map of Violations, Golos website. Screenshot - Aug. 5, 2021

This is the first overview of reports of possible violations of electoral legislation gathered via the 'Map of Violations' by the Movement for the Defense of Voters' Rights 'Golos' between June 22 and August 1.

May 1st Demonstration of the Communist Party, 2012. Photo by Photobank Moscow-Live / flickr

PART 2: CPRF

According to sociologists, the same four parties represented in the parliament now: United Russia, the Communist Party of Russian Federation (CPRF), the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR), and Just Russia will probably be elected again in 2021. How are these four parties organized? What is their support base in regions?

Ballot stuffing, elections March 18, 2018, Lyubertsy. Image - Golos
#Commentary

Less than two months before the elections, the Russian Central Election Commission (CEC) decided to scrap open video broadcasts from the polling stations, which have been the feature of Russian elections since 2012.

1st of May Demonstration in Moscow. 2010. Image - Photobank Moscow-Live / flickr

PART 1: United Russia

According to sociologists, the same four parties represented in the parliament now: United Russia, the Communist Party of Russian Federation (CPRF), the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR), and Just Russia will probably be elected again in 2021. How are these four parties organized? What is their support base in regions?

Ballot box for voting on Constitutional Amendments 2020. Photo - Wikimedia Commons

Since the last State Duma elections in 2016, lawmakers have introduced 19 amendments to the election law. In the year leading up to the State Duma elections in September 2021 alone, seven significant legislative amendments have been introduced, six of them in less than four months before the start of the campaign.

TV reporter, Bryansk. Photo - pxfuel

After almost a decade of crackdowns on big players, the landscape of critical journalism in Russia is dominated by local or smaller niche projects. But if the 2020-2021 trend of relentless attacks on media, journalists, and bloggers continues, many of these small projects are not likely to survive into the autumn. The regime makes it pretty clear that it no longer intends to tolerate any dissent.

"1941- ssshhh!" - Image by James Vaughan / flickr

The laws on "foreign agent" and "undesirable organizations" continue to hamper the work of affected organizations, stigmatize and damage their reputation, and isolate the civil society from international cooperation and support. What are these provisions and how are they being applied?

Vladimir Putin Speech at State Duma plenary session 2020-03-10. Image - Wikimedia Commons

The Russian State Duma's seventh convocation is coming to the end of its five-year term. And according to a new report from iStories and Znak.com, dozens of its deputies haven't said a word in a parliamentary session since they were elected in 2016. Others haven't put forward a single bill. Be that as it may, this hasn't stopped these lawmakers from collecting high salaries and planning to put their names on the ballot for the State Duma election coming up in September.

Kaluga. A Holiday. Image - flickr

During the United Russia primaries, experts detected possible falsification of the results and instances of interference in the electronic voting process. According to some analyses, 99% of votes for the first 22 candidates on the United Russia party list were falsified while the amount of falsified votes for candidates in single-mandate constituencies reached 80-95% of the votes cast.

Arrest by the police. Image - Wikimedia Commons

According to election observers, recent amendments further limiting citizens' passive suffrage constitute a "fifth wave" of depriving Russians of their right to stand for election since the collapse of the USSR. New restrictions have a particular impact on politically active citizens.

Programming, computing and information concept. Image - Peshkova, Getty Images Pro

In May, the Russian Federation has tested a new system of remote electronic voting. The Movement in Defense of Voters' Rights "Golos" observed the testing phase, took part in the voting, and shared their conclusions and recommendations in a respective report.

"I have the right to choose!" Photo - EPDE.

Opportunities for independent citizen election observation and civil society space in general have been shrinking steadily in Russia over the past decade. Recently, further restrictions have been adopted that limit the ability of citizens to independently monitor electoral processes.

May 1st Demonstration of the Communist Party, 2012. Image by _TMY2892/flickr

Over the past 14 years, the authorities have blocked 120,000 candidates from participating in elections of various levels, depriving millions of Russian citizens of the right to choose their representatives.

A demonstration in Moscow. Image - by Andrey, Pxhere.

Russia has finally outlawed Alexey Navalny's political and anti-corruption movement. Here's how the crackdown affects activists, journalists, and ordinary supporters.

Plenary meeting of the State Duma. Image - Wikimedia Commons
#Commentary

The President of Russia approved the law prohibiting those who are "involved" in the activities of an extremist organization from running in elections.

Electoral headquarters of Alexey Navalny. Photo - Wikimedia Commons

On June 9, the Moscow City Court, based on the charges by the Moscow Prosecutor's Office, recognized the Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK), the Foundation for the Protection of Citizens' Rights, and the headquarters of Alexei Navalny as extremist organizations. Now, many citizens are under a threat of pressure and persecution.

Vladimir Putin at the United Russia Congress (2011-11-27). Image - Wikimedia Commons

Between May 24 and 30, United Russia held its preliminary selection of candidates for 2021 State Duma elections. Nearly 12 million citizens participated in the party's primaries. Yet, a more careful examination shows an increasingly controlled and non-transparent process, aimed at having the public formally 'endorse' a carefully vetted list of pre-selected candidates.

Meeting of Central Election Commission Chair Ella Pamfilova with OSCE / ODIHR Director Matteo Mecacci. Photo - CEC

Between 2003 and 2018, OSCE/ODIHR published 139 recommendations on how to improve the conduct of elections in Russia. In the run-up to the State Duma elections in 2021, Russia has fully implemented just over 10% of them. Some have been tackled more promptly than others.

Man using computers. Photo by: Lisa Fotios from Pexels

Ahead of the State Duma election on September 19, 2021, Russia just tested its remote electronic voting system. While the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation (CEC) is preparing the report about the results of the test, election monitors say Russia's electronic voting system is a black box.

Alexei Navalny. Photo: Wikimedia Commons

The Russian authorities are expected to orchestrate a result in the upcoming State Duma elections that will give United Russia a clear majority of seats. This does not mean, however, that the manipulation of the electoral process by the authorities is complete. In a limited number of competitive districts, true opposition candidates including candidates who are associated with Aleksei Navalny have a real chance of winning if they are allowed to run. In recent weeks, steps have been taken to block these 'undesirable' candidates from participating.

Central Election Commission (CEC) of Russian Federation during April 21, 2021, meeting. Photo by: CEC.
#Commentary

On March 19, 2021, the new composition of the Central Election Commission (CEC) of the Russian Federation was revealed. Out of 15 members, eight new people joined the CEC. In particular, the new Commission has been 'reinforced' by bureaucrats from the Presidential Administration, the State Duma, and the Civic Chamber (a consultative civil society institution closely linked to the government).