May 1st Demonstration of the Communist Party, 2012. Photo by Photobank Moscow-Live / flickr

Main Russian Political Parties: Mode of Operations and Regional Support Base

Part 2: CPRF

Author: Alexander Kynev

Introduction

The nomination of candidates for the 2021 State Duma election has ended. The parties have filed their lists with the Central Electoral Commission. Like in 2016, there will most likely be 14 parties on the ballot. In total, 15 lists have been nominated; however, one of the parties (The Russian All-People Union) has no registration privilege1, which means it needs to collect signatures in order to register for the election, something it is not likely to accomplish.

Parties that will overcome the 5-percent barrier are to get mandates. According to sociologists, these will probably be the same four parties represented in the parliament now: United Russia, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF), the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR), and Just Russia (which has incorporated two minor parties, Za Pravdu/For Truth and Patriots of Russia). Theoretically, Novye Lyudi (New People) can become the fifth, based on the outcome of regional elections in September 2020. The number of parliamentary parties in Russia remains the same since 2003 (Just Russia is a legal successor of Rodina/Homeland bloc in the 2003 election).

As Russia is the biggest country in the world by area, its regions are very different from each other politically. Ability to utilise the interests of some geographic areas has largely predetermined the success of parties in federal elections. Famous is the 'red belt' myth of the 1990s, covering primarily agricultural regions of Central Russia's south and southern Siberia, which used to stand out as the stronghold of CPRF. It is also well known that United Russia is the most successful in electorally manageable2 minority regions of Northern Caucasus and Volga Region frequently referred to as 'electoral sultanates.'

How are these four mainstream parties organised? What is their support base in regions?

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation

As a second systemic party after United Russia, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) possesses the most developed and sustainable party network. In essence, this is the only political party in Russia that can be recognized as a classical party with a hierarchy of grassroots, local and regional branches; a system of party's own media and independent regional party websites; a political career only via gradual internal advancement; functional mechanisms for coordination of decisions with lower branches; and (in most cases) genuine regional inner-party democracy.

However, the situation is different at the federal level. The top leadership is unchangeable, as Gennady Zyuganov is in the lead since the party's establishment in 1993. On a regular basis, internal purges marginalize or exclude potential competitors. As a rule, these purges would affect the biggest regional branches making a difference in the CPRF Central Committee and during the party congresses. In contrast to United Russia, CPRF has no issues with party branches' subordination to the executive authorities: the party network and party hierarchy match the hierarchy of official positions occupied by the party members. Where party members have taken the lead in the executive branches of government via elections (Khakassia, Novosibirsk, and Irkutsk Oblast until 2019), they are also the first secretaries of the party's oblast/republic committees. Oryol Oblast is the only exception, where Potomsky, and later Klychkov, became governors via edicts of the President rather than the party career and relied on the administrative apparatus more than on the party.

Currently, CPRF regional branches are formally present in all 85 regions.

2004 split and the 'rejuvenation' of CPRF

The party went through its worst split in 2004, when a group of MP Semigin, publicly referred to as one of the party's sponsors, tried to grab the power. Semigin was subsequently expelled from CPRF and its parliamentary faction on 18 May 2004. Scheduled for 3 July 2004, an extraordinary CPRF Congress was widely expected to address Zyuganov's leadership. The coordination council of NPSR (the coalition of left and patriotic organizations around CPRF) terminated Zyuganov's powers as the head of NPSR ahead of time, as announced in a statement by Semigin, the chair of the NPSR executive committee. Semigin also stated that the upcoming congress of the communist party would discuss the leadership issue, and 'the majority of the congress delegates would support the progressive course towards major renewal and development of CPRF.' He also claimed that the governor of Ivanovo Oblast Vladimir Tikhonov could come up with a statement of removing Zyuganov from the position of the CPRF Central Committee Chair before the congress, and an 'alternative' plenum of the Central Committee would convene on 1 July. Out of 96 participants of the 'alternative plenum,' 92 voted for the early termination of Zyuganov as the CPRF Central Committee Chair and replacing him with Tikhonov. Convoked by the Presidium of the Central Committee, another plenum of the Central Committee started in the House of Science of the Russian Academy of Agricultural Science simultaneously, which supported the Presidium and the Chair Zyuganov.

The two alternative plenums of the Central Committee resulted in two alternative 10th CPRF congresses on 3 July 2004. Having examined the documents submitted, the Ministry of Justice found pro-Zyuganov congress legitimate. CPRF subsequently expelled the Semigin-Tikhonov group (including Potapov, Ivanchenko, Astrakhankin, etc.). The breakaway members created a new party, the All-Russian Communist Party of the Future (VKPB). Initially registered by the Ministry of Justice, it failed to register regional branches within six months with justice authorities in more than half of the Russian federative units, leading to the loss of registration in July 2005. Consequently, Semigin founded a new party, The Patriots of Russia (the renamed former Russian Labour Party), unifying a range of small entities.

A significant share of the pro-Semigin old Soviet nomenklatura left the party after the secession of the Semigin and Tikhonov group. It facilitated the party's rejuvenation by advancing the younger CPRF generation to the foreground. As a result, the CPRF performance at regional elections improved, and the party reached one of its electoral peaks of the '00s and '10s in the years 2010 and 2011.

Post-2011 deterioration

However, the party's status strongly deteriorated after 2011. The government started its clampdown on systemic opposition (particularly via criminal prosecutions against CPRF MPs Bessonov, Shirshov, and Parshin) and carried out active smear campaigns. The 'Crimean consensus'3 of 2014 played a major role by eliminating the differences between the 'old systemic' parties and the government from the perspective of voters. The appointment of a CPRF MP Potomsky as the governor of Oryol Oblast, and his subsequent replacement with Klychkov, came as an indication of the party's flirting with the government.

Simultaneously, a whole range of 'spoiler'4 parties was created to take away votes from CPRF, primarily the Communists of Russia and the Communist Party of Social Justice (CPSS). This led to poorer performance of CPRF at almost all regional elections between 2012 and 2017. It was only after the pension reform announcement in June 2018 that the party started its comeback.

Having suffered bad electoral losses at the State Duma election on 18 September 2016, CPRF stopped short of losing its second position nationwide. In the regional chapter, CPRF finished second only in 35 regions out of 85. In the absence of new bright leaders, quite sluggish campaigns with commonplace slogans and ideas (some obviously copy-pasted from previous races) seem to be the main reason. The Communists of Russia's participation in the election might also have contributed to the CPRF's modest outcome. Yet, the sum of votes for both communist parties was worse than the CPRF result in 2011 (by 3.6% across Russia). With the CPRF share of votes decreasing in 72 regions, the aggregate share won by CPRF and t Communists of Russia ended up below the CPRF 2011 share in 61 regions.

Only in the Mari El Republic has CPRF enjoyed significant growth in support in 2016 (by 6.5%). The rest of the regions displaying an increase for CPRF are those in the 2011 area of electoral anomalies, and the increase was not considerable. The party's worst losses in the share of votes won were in  Nizhny Novgorod (by 15.9%) and Oryol (14.1%) oblasts. Bryansk, Kaliningrad, Moscow, Murmansk, and Novosibirsk oblasts also reported two-digit losses. These regional failures can be attributed to the leadership crisis, either through the exit of previous charismatic leaders or the fatigue with the current rulers; other possible reasons are the administrative pressure, the problematic oppositionist identity, and the quality of campaigns.

The 2011 CPRF top-5 regions were Oryol, Novosibirsk, Kostroma, Nizhny Novgorod, and Irkutsk oblasts. Three regions changed in the top-5 by 2016, with the Mari El Republic coming first, followed by Omsk and Irkutsk oblasts, North Ossetia, and Kostroma Oblast. The dropout of Oryol and Novosibirsk oblasts from the leading group of pro-CPRF regions is symptomatic in the light of the accession of CPRF member Potomsky to the position of Oryol Oblast governor and the election of communist Lokot as the mayor of Novosibirsk City. Where CPRF comes to power locally, obviously in collusion with the 'power party,' it might win access to some elements of administrative resources; however, it clearly undermines popularity and hinders the usual exploitation of protest rhetoric during the campaigns. Disappointed with local CPRF-delegated bosses, some voters project their negative feelings upon the party. On the other hand, Irkutsk Oblast remained in the leading group after electing a communist Levchenko as a governor in a bitter fight in 2015; yet, the party's performance somewhat deteriorated there in 2016, too (by 3%).

Post-2016 renewal of party branches

The renewal of the membership in CPRF regional branches accelerated after 2016. This was a de facto second wave of renewals after the first surge in 2004 and 2005. Where the renewal was the most pronounced, the most successful electoral campaigns were recorded: Khakassia, Primorsky Krai, Vladimir, Ivanovo, Ulyanovsk oblasts, and other regions.

A number of factors stand behind the membership rejuvenation in CPRF branches:

  • Old party establishment objectively ‘losing shape’ due to age and health reasons;
  • ‘Old’ members’ lack of effective campaigning skills in the changing context. As a rule, campaigns of new candidates are better, empowering them to outperform the ‘old’ faces (notably, the new candidates were more successful at the 2020 city council election in Novosibirsk, while the old ones failed, e.g., the second secretary of the oblast committee Suleimanov);
  • The growing influence of younger leaders in the CPRF central leadership (in particular, the deputy chairs of the CPRF Central Committee Afonin, born in 1977, and Novikov, 1969) facilitating the promotion of their supporters in regions.

By the beginning of 2021, the first secretaries were born in 1970 or later in 33 regions (38.8%). Most of them came to these positions after 2015 or 2016. Twelve first secretaries are remaining in their positions since the 1990s. The leaders have been keeping their roles in nine more regions since the renewal wave between 2003 and 2005. In total, the long-timers (by age and by the time spent in the position) are in charge of 21 regions (24.7%). The 'intermediary' group leads 31 regions, usually including those who came between 2005 and 2015 or those elected later but still belonging to the old-timers due to their age.

It means that, despite the significant rejuvenation, several important regions are badly in need of renewal and modernization of their organizations and campaigns. Presumably, the fears of the federal CPRF leadership of losing their control over the organization come as a constraint for further party regeneration.

 

References:

1 To nominate their candidates for the State Duma elections without collecting signatures, a party needs to take part in the distribution of mandates following the results of previous parliamentary elections or have a representative in the legislative assembly of at least one of the regions - REM

2 Several minority regions of the Northern Caucasus and Volga Region, characterized by highly authoritarian regional political regimes, tend to massively vote in favor of the ruling party – although independent electoral experts and the opposition claim rampant election fraud.

3 The formation of the Russian intra-elite consensus about the illegal annexation of the Crimea and Sevastopol - REM

4 Candidates or parties with similar ideologies whose appearance would lead to the splitting of votes of the electoral base - REM

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Election observation headquarters. Photo by Golos

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Voting. Image by Photobank Moscow-Live. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0
Voting. Image by Photobank Moscow-Live

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Duma elections. by George Shuklin, CC BY-SA 2.5

This is a brief overview of election monitoring findings on the First Voting Day by citizen observers of the 'Movement in Defense of Voters' Rights "Golos"'.

Campaigning in Samara. 2011 elections. Image by Golos

The September 19, 2021 elections are marked by growing pressure on media and individual journalists, attempts at blocking information about "Smart Voting", and massive coercion of voters to vote and register for e-voting and mobile voting. In parallel, social media has been growing in importance for years as a space of more freedom and an alternative information channel. Here are the main findings of the report that focuses on the impact of these two antipodal trends.

Victor Vasnetsov. Three bogatyrs (Medieval Russian Heroes). Photo by flickr user paukrus

This report covers the monitoring of social networks from the 10th to the 11th week of the election campaign (August 23 to September 5) to the Russian State Duma, scheduled for September 19, 2021.

Russian passports. Image by MediaPhoto.Org, CC-BY-3.0

One aspect of the 2021 Russian parliamentary elections that differentiates them from previous federal elections is the potential participation in the voting process of dozens of thousands of people located on the Ukrainian territories outside of control of the Ukrainian authorities and not recognized as part of Russia by the Russian Federation itself.

Map of Violations Update Sept 6-12. Image by REM

This is the seventh overview of reports of possible violations of electoral legislation gathered via the 'Map of Violations' by the 'Movement in Defense of Voters' Rights "Golos"' between September 6 and September 12. Since the beginning of the election campaign, 945 messages from 72 regions have been published on the Map.

Poll worker displaying an empty ballot box before the opening of a polling station in Moscow, 18.03.2018. Photo OSCA PA, CC BY-SA 2.0

The de facto impossibility to participate in elections for parties that must register candidates via signature collection turns their existence into a mere formality. This creates a vicious circle in which the system reproduces itself by welcoming only actors that are already 'in' and effectively barring new political players from elections.

Map of Violations Update - Aug 30-Sept 1

This is the sixth overview of reports of possible violations of electoral legislation gathered via the 'Map of Violations' by the Movement in Defense of Voters' Rights 'Golos' between August 30 and September 5. In total, from August 30 to September 1, 125 messages have been received by the Map.

Social media. Image by Gerd Altmann on Pixabay

This report covers the monitoring of social networks from the 5th to the 9th week (July 20 - August 22) of the election campaign to the Russian State Duma, scheduled for September 19, 2021.

Vladimir Putin on XVII congress of United Russia in 2017. Image by Wikimedia Commons

Despite its dismal approval rating, Russian President Vladimir Putin's ruling political party can – and likely will – win a constitutional majority in September's legislative elections.

Map of Violations, Golos website. Screenshot - Sept. 1, 2021

This is the fifth overview of reports of possible violations of electoral legislation gathered via the 'Map of Violations' by the Movement in Defense of Voters' Rights 'Golos' between August 23 and August 29. In total, 100 messages have been received by the Map during this period.

2019 Rally for right to vote in Moscow. Image by Wikimedia Commons

The Moscow City Court has designated the Anti-Corruption Foundation, Alexey Navalny's Headquarters and the Citizens’ Rights Protection Foundation as 'extremist' organizations. Inter alia, it implies the prohibition to participate in elections.

The authorities have proceeded to banning pro-opposition candidates from running to the State Duma and other legislative bodies on a pretext of involvement in Navalny's projects.

State Duma elections in Sochi, Dec 4. 2011. Image by flickr/Andrew Amerikov

The elections of the State Duma of Russia of the eighth convocation are marked by considerable tightening of rules for candidate nomination and registration. In fact, the rules are much worse than in 2016, when the current membership of the parliament was elected. Run on the background of harsh restrictions on freedom of expression and information and freedom of assembly and association, the elections are accompanied by a political crackdown against the most active pro-opposition citizens.

Map of Violations, Golos website. Screenshot - Aug. 20, 2021

This is the fourth overview of reports of possible violations of electoral legislation gathered via the 'Map of Violations' by the Movement for the Defense of Voters' Rights 'Golos' between August 16 and August 22. In total, 98 messages have been received by the Map in that period.

Behind a camera. Photo by Bicanski on Pixnio

Equality of rights of candidates in media coverage of their election campaign is one of the most important conditions for holding free and democratic elections. For a significant part of Russians, television remains to be one of the main sources of information. During the election campaign, the influence of television in shaping the attitude of the majority of voters towards elections and candidates is often decisive. Here is a summary of monitoring findings for the five main federal television channels during the first eight weeks of the campaign.

Map of Violations, Golos website. Screenshot - Aug. 20, 2021

This is the third overview of reports of possible violations of electoral legislation gathered via the 'Map of Violations' by the Movement for the Defense of Voters' Rights 'Golos' between August 9 and August 15. Since the beginning of the election campaign, 452 messages from 62 regions have been published on the Map.

 

Screenshot of Golos' statement cover image

On August 18, the Ministry of Justice of Russia included the Movement 'Golos' as the first unregistered organisation into the registry of unregistered public associations performing the functions of a foreign agent. Here is the translation of their statement.

Russian regional elections in 2018. Image by Wikimedia Commons

According to the CEC data as of 9 July 2021, 4,370 elections and referenda are scheduled for 19 September 2021, including elections to the State Duma, nine gubernatorial elections (new heads will be elected in three more regions), 39 elections to regional parliaments, and 11 elections of representative bodies of regional centres. Here's an overview of legal regulations and peculiarities of these races.

Participants of Just Russia rally take off their uniforms 5 minutes after the start of the Yekaterinburg rally on May 1, 2019. Image by Wikimedia Commons

PART 4: JUST RUSSIA-PATRIOTS-FOR TRUTH

According to sociologists, the same four parties represented in the parliament now: United Russia, the Communist Party of Russian Federation (CPRF), the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR), and Just Russia will probably be elected again in 2021. How are these four parties organized? What is their support base in regions?

A screenshot of a live broadcast of the voting process. Image by 'Golos' Movement.

In 2021, the Russian Central Election Commission decided to scrap open video broadcasts from the polling stations – a feature of Russian elections since 2012. The Movement in Defense of Voters' Rights 'Golos' has appealed to the President to help overturn this decision.

Map of Violations, Golos website. Screenshot - Aug. 12, 2021

This is the second overview of reports of possible violations of electoral legislation gathered via the 'Map of Violations' by the Movement for the Defense of Voters' Rights 'Golos' between August 2 and August 8.

May 1st, 2009. LDPR Rally. Photo by Photobank Moscow-Live / flickr

PART 3: LDPR

According to sociologists, the same four parties represented in the parliament now: United Russia, the Communist Party of Russian Federation (CPRF), the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR), and Just Russia will probably be elected again in 2021. How are these four parties organized? What is their support base in regions?

The Rt. Hon. Sir Alan Duncan represented the UK at the 23rd OSCE Ministerial Council in Hamburg, Germany, 8-9 December 2016.
OSCE Flags. Photo by Alex Hammond / FCO. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0
#Commentary

The OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights and the Parliamentary Assembly will not deploy international election observation missions to the 2021 State Duma elections due to major limitations imposed on the institutions. Announcing the decision, ODIHR Director noted that the ability "to independently determine the number of observers necessary for us to observe effectively and credibly is essential to all international observation."

Reporter's notebook. Photo by 2008 Roger H. Goun. CC BY 3.0
#Commentary

On 28 July 2021, the Central Election Commission adopted a new media accreditation procedure that restricts media access to observe and report on the electoral process. The new rules violate the freedom of media editorial policy and may significantly reduce the transparency of the election process.

Map of Violations, Golos website. Screenshot - Aug. 5, 2021

This is the first overview of reports of possible violations of electoral legislation gathered via the 'Map of Violations' by the Movement for the Defense of Voters' Rights 'Golos' between June 22 and August 1.

May 1st Demonstration of the Communist Party, 2012. Photo by Photobank Moscow-Live / flickr

PART 2: CPRF

According to sociologists, the same four parties represented in the parliament now: United Russia, the Communist Party of Russian Federation (CPRF), the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR), and Just Russia will probably be elected again in 2021. How are these four parties organized? What is their support base in regions?

Ballot stuffing, elections March 18, 2018, Lyubertsy. Image - Golos
#Commentary

Less than two months before the elections, the Russian Central Election Commission (CEC) decided to scrap open video broadcasts from the polling stations, which have been the feature of Russian elections since 2012.

1st of May Demonstration in Moscow. 2010. Image - Photobank Moscow-Live / flickr

PART 1: United Russia

According to sociologists, the same four parties represented in the parliament now: United Russia, the Communist Party of Russian Federation (CPRF), the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR), and Just Russia will probably be elected again in 2021. How are these four parties organized? What is their support base in regions?

Ballot box for voting on Constitutional Amendments 2020. Photo - Wikimedia Commons

Since the last State Duma elections in 2016, lawmakers have introduced 19 amendments to the election law. In the year leading up to the State Duma elections in September 2021 alone, seven significant legislative amendments have been introduced, six of them in less than four months before the start of the campaign.

TV reporter, Bryansk. Photo - pxfuel

After almost a decade of crackdowns on big players, the landscape of critical journalism in Russia is dominated by local or smaller niche projects. But if the 2020-2021 trend of relentless attacks on media, journalists, and bloggers continues, many of these small projects are not likely to survive into the autumn. The regime makes it pretty clear that it no longer intends to tolerate any dissent.

"1941- ssshhh!" - Image by James Vaughan / flickr

The laws on "foreign agent" and "undesirable organizations" continue to hamper the work of affected organizations, stigmatize and damage their reputation, and isolate the civil society from international cooperation and support. What are these provisions and how are they being applied?

Vladimir Putin Speech at State Duma plenary session 2020-03-10. Image - Wikimedia Commons

The Russian State Duma's seventh convocation is coming to the end of its five-year term. And according to a new report from iStories and Znak.com, dozens of its deputies haven't said a word in a parliamentary session since they were elected in 2016. Others haven't put forward a single bill. Be that as it may, this hasn't stopped these lawmakers from collecting high salaries and planning to put their names on the ballot for the State Duma election coming up in September.

Kaluga. A Holiday. Image - flickr

During the United Russia primaries, experts detected possible falsification of the results and instances of interference in the electronic voting process. According to some analyses, 99% of votes for the first 22 candidates on the United Russia party list were falsified while the amount of falsified votes for candidates in single-mandate constituencies reached 80-95% of the votes cast.

Arrest by the police. Image - Wikimedia Commons

According to election observers, recent amendments further limiting citizens' passive suffrage constitute a "fifth wave" of depriving Russians of their right to stand for election since the collapse of the USSR. New restrictions have a particular impact on politically active citizens.

Programming, computing and information concept. Image - Peshkova, Getty Images Pro

In May, the Russian Federation has tested a new system of remote electronic voting. The Movement in Defense of Voters' Rights "Golos" observed the testing phase, took part in the voting, and shared their conclusions and recommendations in a respective report.

"I have the right to choose!" Photo - EPDE.

Opportunities for independent citizen election observation and civil society space in general have been shrinking steadily in Russia over the past decade. Recently, further restrictions have been adopted that limit the ability of citizens to independently monitor electoral processes.

May 1st Demonstration of the Communist Party, 2012. Image by _TMY2892/flickr

Over the past 14 years, the authorities have blocked 120,000 candidates from participating in elections of various levels, depriving millions of Russian citizens of the right to choose their representatives.

A demonstration in Moscow. Image - by Andrey, Pxhere.

Russia has finally outlawed Alexey Navalny's political and anti-corruption movement. Here's how the crackdown affects activists, journalists, and ordinary supporters.

Plenary meeting of the State Duma. Image - Wikimedia Commons
#Commentary

The President of Russia approved the law prohibiting those who are "involved" in the activities of an extremist organization from running in elections.

Electoral headquarters of Alexey Navalny. Photo - Wikimedia Commons

On June 9, the Moscow City Court, based on the charges by the Moscow Prosecutor's Office, recognized the Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK), the Foundation for the Protection of Citizens' Rights, and the headquarters of Alexei Navalny as extremist organizations. Now, many citizens are under a threat of pressure and persecution.

Vladimir Putin at the United Russia Congress (2011-11-27). Image - Wikimedia Commons

Between May 24 and 30, United Russia held its preliminary selection of candidates for 2021 State Duma elections. Nearly 12 million citizens participated in the party's primaries. Yet, a more careful examination shows an increasingly controlled and non-transparent process, aimed at having the public formally 'endorse' a carefully vetted list of pre-selected candidates.

Meeting of Central Election Commission Chair Ella Pamfilova with OSCE / ODIHR Director Matteo Mecacci. Photo - CEC

Between 2003 and 2018, OSCE/ODIHR published 139 recommendations on how to improve the conduct of elections in Russia. In the run-up to the State Duma elections in 2021, Russia has fully implemented just over 10% of them. Some have been tackled more promptly than others.

Man using computers. Photo by: Lisa Fotios from Pexels

Ahead of the State Duma election on September 19, 2021, Russia just tested its remote electronic voting system. While the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation (CEC) is preparing the report about the results of the test, election monitors say Russia's electronic voting system is a black box.

Alexei Navalny. Photo: Wikimedia Commons

The Russian authorities are expected to orchestrate a result in the upcoming State Duma elections that will give United Russia a clear majority of seats. This does not mean, however, that the manipulation of the electoral process by the authorities is complete. In a limited number of competitive districts, true opposition candidates including candidates who are associated with Aleksei Navalny have a real chance of winning if they are allowed to run. In recent weeks, steps have been taken to block these 'undesirable' candidates from participating.

Central Election Commission (CEC) of Russian Federation during April 21, 2021, meeting. Photo by: CEC.
#Commentary

On March 19, 2021, the new composition of the Central Election Commission (CEC) of the Russian Federation was revealed. Out of 15 members, eight new people joined the CEC. In particular, the new Commission has been 'reinforced' by bureaucrats from the Presidential Administration, the State Duma, and the Civic Chamber (a consultative civil society institution closely linked to the government).